Tuesday, September 2, 2014

Ang Wika Kong Tuwali

 (Last week, Buwan ng mga Wika (Languages Month) in the Philippines, a researcher came to me for an interview regarding my native language.  According to her, the research is part of a project sanctioned by the Philippine government's Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino.  The interview is rendered in the native language and to be translated into Filipino.  It was a good thing that I was given a guide beforehand on the interview that I was able to write what it was in my mind.  The questions ranged from the description of the ethnolinguistic group to which I belong and the language used.  The interview wounded up with regards to the mixing up of native language to regional, national, and international languages.  This article is resulting from said interview)

Ifugao – ito ang pagkakilala kong tawag sa ethnoliguistic group na kinabibilangan ko.  Tuwali naman ang batid kong tawag sa wika ng grupong ito.

Ang alam ko, Ifugao din ang tawag ng mga taga-ibang lugar sa amin.  Sa palagay ko, nabigyang-diin ang tawag na ito sapagkat Ifugao ang pangalan ng probinsiya namin.  Gayunpaman, marami pa ring taga-ibang lugar, kapwa Pilipino at banyaga, ang nagtuturing sa mga Ifugao bilang mga Igorot, isang bagay na napagtatalunan hanggang ngayon.  Maraming Ifugao kasi ang hindi tanggap ang pagpapalagay na sila ay Igorot.  Natala sa ilang libro na bagamat Igorot ang pangkalahatang pantukoy ng mga sumakop na Kastila sa mga katutubo na kanilang nadatnan sa mga bulubunduking natawag na Gran Cordillera, ang salitang Ifugaw bilang pantukoy sa mga katutubo ay nagamit din sa mga unang ulat ng mga banyagang unang nakarating sa lupaing sakop ng ngayo’y lalawigan ng Ifugao.

Ang salitang Ifugao ay pinaniniwalaang hango sa unlaping “i-”, na ang ibig sabihin ay “mula sa” at salitang-ugat na “pugo” na tumutukoy sa isang babahagyang patag na lugar sa gilid ng burol o bundok.  Mapupuna na ang mga kabahayan at nayon ng mga Ifugao ay natatatag sa mga ganitong klaseng lugar.  May mga ibang teorya na ang salitang Ifugao ay may kinalaman sa pagsasaka ng mga katutubo.  Mapapansin na ang salitang pinugo ng mga taga-Banaue, isang bayan sa Ifugao, ay nangangahulugang palayan sa mga gilid ng bundok.  Bukod pa rito, isa sa mga uri ng palay na sinasaka ng mga taga-Ifugao ay ang Ipuggo.

Ang salitang Tuwali naman ay pinaniniwalaang pagpapangalan ng mga naunang mananaliksik sa wika na nakarating sa Ifugao.  Kapag ito’y isinalin sa Tagalog, ang ibig sabihin ay pwedeng “na nga”, “kasi”, o "dahil."  Halimbawa, kung sakali ang tanong ay “Ano ang tawag sa inyong wika?” Pwedeng sasagot ang kausap ng “On hapit tuwali oya dan gahin on ngadanan?” Ang salin nito sa tagalog ay, “Wika na nga, kailangan pa bang pangalanan?” (Ito ang haka-haka kong usapan ng mga unang mananaliksik at ang mga katutubo na humantong sa pagpapangalan sapagkat tuwali ang nabatid ng mananaliksik.)  Iba pang halimbawa ng gamit ng tuwali – “Ngay inat mu tuwali?” na ang salin ay “Anong ginawa mo kasi?”; Tanong: Bakit di ninyo ininom ang alak?, Sagot: “Tuwali ot makalannu” na ang salin ay “Dahil ito’y napakaasim.”  Bukod sa haka-hakang ang tuwali ang unang narinig ng mananaliksik bilang panngalan ng wika, mapapansing ang salitang ito ay karaniwan at madalas ginagamit sa araw-araw na pakikipagtalastasan.  Maari ring masabi na ito ay natatanging salita kaya’t mainam ipangalan sa wika.

Ang Tuwali ay sinasalita sa gitna’t hilagang-kanluran ng Ifugao.  Ang mga partikular na lugar ay ang mga bayan ng Hingyon, Kiangan at Hungduan at ilang mga barangay o bahagi ng mga bayan ng Tinoc, Asipulo, Lamut, Lagawe na kabisera ng lalawigan, at Banaue.  May mga nayon ding nagsasalita ng Tuwali sa ilang bahagi ng Nueva Vizcaya, Quirino, Isabela, Benguet at Baguio City.  Ito ay mga kumpol ng mga dayong Ifugao na namalagian na sa mga nasabing lugar.  Kung pagsuma-sumahin ang mga indibidwal na gumagamit ng Tuwali, sa tantiya ko’y aabot ito ng humigit-kumulang isandaang libo.  Lagpas ito sa kalahati ng populasyon ng buong lalawigan ng Ifugao.  Sa palagay ko ay dumarami ang nagsasalita ng wikang Tuwali.  Ang dagok lang siguro ay ang pagkahalo ng wikang Ingles, Filipino, at Iluko.

Para sa akin, may apat na mga pangunahing baryasyon ng salitang Tuwali.  Ito ay ang wikain sa Kiangan at Hungduan, ang wikain sa Hingyon, wikain sa Lagawe, at ang wikain sa Banaue.  Bagaman ang huli (wikain sa Banaue) ay itinuring ng ethnologue.com bilang hiwalay na wika (at pinangalanang Amganad Ifugao) sa Tuwali, paniwala ko na ito lamang ay baryasyon ng wikang Tuwali. Nagkakaintindihan naman ang mga taga-Amganad, Banaue at ang iba pang nagsasalita ng wikang Tuwali.  Kung mayroon mang pagkakaiba sa ilang terminolohiya, pwedeng masabing ang mga itoy magkasingkahulugan lamang.

Ang isang pagkakakaiba at pagkakilanlan sa kaibhan nga mga wikaing Tuwali ay sa gamit ng ilang grapheme katulad ng ‘k’.  Ang Tuwali ng Kiangan ang pinakamayaman dito.  Ang ibang graphemes na nagdudulot ng kaibhan ay ang ch.  Nagkakaiba rin sa ilang glottal stops, function words, auxiliaries at iba pang aspetong linggwistiko.  Upang ilarawan ang mga ito, narito ang ilang halimbawa. 
Filipino
Tuwali-Kiangan
Tuwali-Lagawe
Tuwali-Hingyon
Tuwali-Banaue
Papunta ako
Umaliak
Umaliya’
Umaliya’
Umaliya’
Punta ka
Umeka
Ume-a
Ume-a
Ume-a
diket
Dayakkot
dayakkot, chayakkot
dayakkot, daya’ot
daya’ot
Punta ka na.
Ekago.
Ekago.
Ekabo.
Ekabo.
Why?
Tipe’
Kanape?, Nape?
Nganu? Onnganu?
Tanganu?

Sa bawat pangunahing baryasyon ay may mga pailalim na iba pang kaibhan.  Halimbawa na lamang sa Hingyon, nag-iiba minsan sa bawat barangay.  Ang mga sumusunod ay ilang halimbawa.
Tagalog
Barangay Bitu at Anao, at iba pa
Barangay Mompolia at ilang iba pa
pambayo
lal-u
lalu
sabihin
kalyon
alyon
bitagin
botakon
botaon
short
tikke
tikke, ti’e

Napupuna rin na nagkakaiba sa pagbigkas.  Halimbawa, sinasabing ang mga katutubo sa Barangay Cababuyan ng Hinyon ay mabigat ang kanilang pagbigkas kaysa sa ibang barangay ng Hingyon.


Sa palagay ko ang Tuwali ay malapit sa salitang Kan-kanaey ng Benguet bagaman walang bahagi ng Ifugao ang nagsasalita nito.  Siyempre malapit din ito sa ibang mga wika na mayroon ang lalawigan ng Ifugao.

Ang mga ibang pangunahing wika na katutubo sa Ifugao ay ang Ayangan, Kalanguya, at Iluko.  Ang sinasabing Ayangan na bahagi ng Ifugao ay ang gitnang silangan nito.  Sakop nito ang silangang Banaue, mga bayan ng Aguinaldo at Mayoyao, ang sitio Humalophop ng Barangay Mompolia sa Hingyon, silangang Lagawe at silangan hangggang katimugan ng Lamut, at ilang bahagi ng Asipulo.  Hindi lang ako sigurado kung ang mga salita sa bawat lugar na nabanggit ay pwedeng maituring na baryasyon ng wikang Ayangan o maituturing na mga hiwalay na wika.  Ang ethnologue.com ay kinikilala ang Ifugao Mayawyaw (tinutukoy ang Mayoyao) at Ifugao Bayninan (tinutukoy ang Bayninan na barangay ng Banaue) bilang mga hiwalay na wika.

Ang Kalang-uyya naman ay ang wika ng karamihan sa Tinoc at Asipulo.  Sinasabing mayroon itong baryasyon na tinatawag na Keley-I na sinasalita sa isang barangay sa Asipulo.  Ang Iluko naman ang pangunahing wika sa mga bayang pinakamalapit sa kapatagan, ang kalagitnaan ng bayan ng Lamut at ang bayan ng Alfonso Lista.

Sa tingin ko ay mataas ang pagkilala ng mga katutubo sa kanilang sariling wika.  Ginagamit ito sa pang-araw-araw na pag-uusap katulad ng sa palengke, sa pagitan ng mga mag-anak, at sa magkakapitbahay/magkakaibigan.  Ginagamit din ito ng mga kandidato sa pangangampanya tuwing halalan.  At bagaman sa simbahan, ang mga services o misa ay kadalasang sa wikang Ingles, madalas ding ginagamit ang katutubong wika sa mga sermon at dasal.  Mapapansin din na may mga lipi ng Bibliya sa Tuwali Kiangan at Tuwali-Banaue (Amganad).

Katulad ng naunang nabanggit, karamihan sa mga katutubo ay kayang magsalita sa mga wikang Ingles, Filipino, at Iluko.  Itong mga wika na banyaga sa Ifugao ay kadalasang natututunan sa mga pahayagan, eskwelahan, telebisyon at radio.  Mapupuna na karamihan sa mga local na istasyon ng telebisyon at radio na sumasakop sa Ifugao ay nakabase sa Isabela na Iluko ang isa sa pangkalahatang katutubong wika.
Kahit sa pangkaraniwang pakikipagtalastasan ay nagagamit ang paghalo sa wikang hindi katutubo sa lugar.  May mga pagkakataon kasi na mas maipapaintindi o maipapaanuwa ang sentido o damdamin ng sinasabi sa pamamagitan ng banyagang wika.  At maaamin rin na hindi mayaman ang wikang katutubo sa mga terminolohiya sa mga araling agham, matematiko, at kahalintulad na paksain.

Pwedeng masabi na bata pa lang ay katutubong wika na ang natututunan. Kaya lang, bata pa lang din ay natututo na rin sa paghalo ng wika.  Halimmbawa na lamang ang paggamit ng “Very good”para ikalugod ang mabuting nagawa ng isang musmos.  Madalas ding ginagamit ang salitang “good” at “bad” para ipaunawa sa bata ang isang mabuti o masamang bagay.  Mayroon itong mga katumbas na salita sa Tuwali, maphod para sa good at madmadi o naiho para sa bad, ngunit kadalasang pinapaboran ang paggamit ng good at bad sa pakikipag-usap sa isang musmos.  Dahil dito, sanggol pa lamang ay hindi na siya monolinggwal.  Siyempre ang pormal na pag-aaral ng Filipino at Ingles ay nagsisimula kapag pumasok na sa eskwelahan.


Sa salitang katutubo ko kinakausap ang aking mga anak.  Ito ang itinuturo ko sa kanila sapagkat sa bahay naman talga dapat matututunan ito.  Ang gusto ko ay matutunan nila ito kagaya ng pagkabihasa nila sa Ingles o Filipino sa eskwelahan.

Ang sinasabing wikang pangkalahatan sa Ifugao ay ang wikang Tuwali.  Mataas ang paggamit nito sa sentro ng Ifugao.  Ang mga Ayangan at Kalanguya ay natutunang gamitin ito.

Ang wikang pangrehiyon naman ay ang Iluko.  Matatandaan na ito’yt isang pangunahing wika sa ilang bahagi ng Ifugao.  Mapupuna rin na ang Ifugao ay kalapit ang mga lalawigan ng Nueva Vizcaya, Isabela, at Quirino na mataas ang paggamit sa Iluko.  Iluko rin ang wika sa Lungsod ng Baguio kung saan kadalasang nagkakasalubong ang iba’t ibang etnolingwistikong grupo sa Cordillera.  Dahil dito ay  mahalaga ang matuto sa Iluko upang mapadali ang pakikipag-unayan sa mga taga-ibang lugar sa mga aspetong akademiko, kalakal, ibang mahahalagang gawain at kahit sa pangkariniwang pakikipag-usap.  Sa kahalintulad na katwiran, mahalaga din ang Wkang Filipino dahil ito ang wika ng bansa, at ang Ingles dahil ito ang wika ng mundo.  Nasasabi ko man ito ay mainam pa rin para sa akin ang pagkabihasa sa katutubong wika katulad ng sa mga wikang banyaga sa lugar.  Sa paraang ito ay masisiguro ang tuloy-tuloy na pagkabuhay ng wikang katutubo.


Monday, June 23, 2014

The Ilocano language in highland Cordillera: Agge Nat-on?

           


     I start this essay with a few personal notes regarding my encounters with the Ilocano language in the hope of gliding into an analysis of it in the Cordillera environment. My first note is regarding my first utterance in the Ilocano language when I was a child.  It happened on my first visit to my father’s residence in Camp 6, Tuba, Benguet where he was working then for a mining company back in the eighties.  The neighbourhood was a mixture of people, both from the lowlands and around the Cordilleras lured by employment in the mines.  Children are conversing in a language I don’t understand and so I often choose not to play with them.  Back in the town where I came from, children who did not yet go to school converse then purely in the Ifugao language.  But days of hearing words alien to me and asking what some words mean from my parents gave me confidence to join the children at play.  The perfect moment came when from a distance, I saw some stone which was about to roll from an elevated place to the ground where children were playing.  From the top of my voice, I shouted “Lumisikayu ta mapulig nan batu!”  Everyone ran away from the crash when they looked at me pointing to the rolling stone.  There was a brief moment of silence then laughter, from the children and some adults present.  I realized it was not the near accident that they were laughing at but my mixture of the Ilocano and my native language.
                My second note is regarding how I became conversant in the Ilocano language. Undeniably, my regular vacation at my father’s workplace is the foundation of learning how to speak Ilocano.  And as I grew up, many other factors reinforced this knowledge.  Back in my hometown, people were listening to a radio station based in Cauayan, Isabela.  It helped that the station carries news from the Ifugao province especially that a field reporter is assigned to cover the area then. People are also attached to drama that the station offers.  The broadcast medium is mainly the Ilocano language.  I myself listen to drama such as Doming Mabalin Amin, Mang Bianong, Pagsarmingan, Dagiti Tugot iti Dana ti Biag, and many others.  Aside from the radio, I also came across the magazines Agriingkayo and Pagwanawanan which are the Ilocano versions of the Jehovah’s Witnesses’ Awake and Watchtower, respectively.  These magazines are regularly made available to our home by some ministers who came to evangelize.
                My third note is regarding a poem I composed in creative writing workshop that I tried to translate to Ilocano.  When I showed my translation to a friend who was not a native Ilocano speaker, he agreed with the rendition but when I showed it to a native Ilocano speaker, he enhanced it to be more poetic in the translation.  For instance, the first few lines of the poem goes, “Natong an balat, matabal/ Mu mangibati hi hobwal / Ta hiyantu boy umongngal / Hi obal onu nan habal.”  My translation: “Mabalinen ti saba, mapukan/ Ngem mangibati ti subwal/  Nga isuntu ti dumakkel/ Idiay abay ti balay wennu idiay bantay.”  The native speaker translated it as “Natangkenanen ti bungan ti saba, mapukanen/ Ngem mangibati ti subual/ Ta isuntu ti agdur-as/ Iti likod ti balay wenno idiay bangkag.”  From the two translations, difference is noticeable in terms of lexis and orthography.  And I thought that the translation of the native speaker approximates the thought that I am trying to impart in the Ifugao text better than my translation.
                These notes lead me to the thesis of this paper.  How does the Ilocano language influence Cordillera highlands languages?  To answer this, the paper will cover the origin of the language, the processes that lead to the development of the lowland language in the highland, and on the ability of this non-native language as carrier of highland indigenous culture.
                Ethnologue.com lists the Ilocano language as belonging to the Austronesian family of languages (Lewis, 2013).  The website, maintained by the Summer Institute of Linguistics, lists at least one hundred forty-six other families of language.  The family metaphor would imply that “the languages are genetically related in that they are developed out of the same mother tongue…”(Reid, 2009) The determination of the family of a language follows the theory of prototyping whereby the grouping has reference to typical instances such as experiences (Schultz and Lavenda, 2001) “rather than by reference to set of features” (Wardhaugh, 2010).  Wardhaugh further expounds, quoting Hudson (1996), that prototyping “leads to an easier account of how people learn to use language, particularly linguistic concepts, from the kinds of circumstances they came across.”
                From the Austronesian prototype to the Ilocano language, the following lineage is traced: Austronesian, Malayo-Polynesian, Philippine, Northern Luzon, Ilocano (Lewis, 2013).  This is supported by archaeological evidence proving movement of Austronesian-speaking people from Taiwan going south to the Philippines (Reid, 2009).  From the Northern Luzon prototypes branches other prototypes apart from Ilocano, the Northern Cordilleran from which the languages of Cagayan Valley and Northeast Luzon languages take root and the Meso-Cordilleran from where most of the highland Cordilleran languages such as theIfugao, Bontoc, Kan-kanaey, and Kalanguya emanate (Lewis, 2013; Reid, 2009).
                Scott (1975) noted two theories on how the highlands of North Luzon, which now comprises most of what is called the Cordillera Region, was peopled.  One is by Dr. H. Otley Beyer who proposed that the people are part of migration from mainland Asia that happened 25,000 to 30,000 years ago (the first publication of his work that contained this insinuation was in 1918).  The other is by Dr. Felix Keesing who proposed that the people in the inland mountainous part of North Luzon are from the coastal areas of Spanish-conquered Ilocos who ran away to the mountains “to avoid paying taxes.” Both suggestions does not dispute that the Ilocano and Cordillera highland languages are relatives following the family metaphor.
                The theories put in perspective the contention that the “homeland” of Ilocano is the North-West Luzon provinces of Ilocos Sur, IlocosNorte, and Abra and La Union (Rubino, 1998).Except for Abra, these provinces comprise what is now known as the Ilocos Region or Region I which includes the province of Pangasinan.
                So far, we have noted that the Ilocano language has been from a process of language change.  And as the saying goes that the only permanent thing is change, the Ilocano language has continued to metamorphose.  It has been diffused by migration of speakers (Rubino, 1998) to other lowland provinces south like Pangasinan, Tarlac, Nueva Ecija, and even eastward to  Nueva Vizcaya, Isabela, Aurora, Quirino and even as far as Cagayan.
                It has also climbed, as a manner of speaking, to the highland region of the Cordillera.  Rubino (1998) likewise noted migration of Ilocanos to the province of Benguet.  While this supposed migration was undated, Scott (1975) dates the contact between Ilocanos and people in the highlands during the Spanish Period in the Philippines.  And it is because of economic reasons and the spread of the Catholic faith which the Spanish brought and Ilocanos embraced.
                Scott (1975) noted that the people in the highlands “had plenty of commercial contacts in the Ilocos, Pangasinan, and Nueva Vizcaya.”  He cited a record by a Dominican priest in 1593 describing highland people trading their gold in Pangasinan for pigs and carabaos.  It substantiates the account that for the highland people, “the gold near Baguio” was their most valuable export.  In the addition, Scott also mentions that on the eastern side, the Ifugao traded their rice and iron tools moulded from vats and pots earlier traded by lowland people.  On the part of the Ilocanos, they also weaved g-strings and supplied carnelian beads for the people of the highlands which turned out to be status objects for the latter.
                Also, Scott (1975) wrote about Spanish accounts regarding Christianization of the Cordilleras, the earliest being an expedition by the Spanish forces joined by Zambals, Pampangos, and Ilocanos to the Cordilleras were they were able to settle base in Kayan which is now part of the Mountain Province.  The Christianization, however, might have been just a secondary goal.  Scott wrote that Spanish priests were looking for gold.  Soon, they were driven out of Kayan, tucking with them the converts from the highlands to the Ilocos region.  This account is among the early failed accounts to convert a region that has developed own system of faith, but as we today, the Cordillera highlands has also embraced Christianity.
Aside from economic and spiritual reasons, there were political developments that had have great impact on contact of the Ilocano people with the highlands.  Still from Scott (1975), one was the creation of the old Mt. Province by Philippine Commission Act 1876 in 1912 but some “gerrymandering” in the 1920’s gave large part of the former Amburayan and Lepanto districts to La Union and Ilocos Sur. This again had an impact on migration from the highlands to the lowlands, but he migrants had maintained their contacts with their relatives.  Republic Act 4695 in 1966 divided the old Mt. Province into four provinces but even as they are born from a single province, transportation to and from each newly created provinces pass through Ilocano provinces.  For example, travel from Kalinga passes through Isabela, Nueva Vizcaya, Nueva Ecija, Pangasinan, La Union before reaching Baguio City.  This situation remained true even after making provinces created from the old Mt. Province into a separate administrative region in 1987.   Another is the Presidential Decree No. 1 in 1972 establishing the political regions in the Philippines.  Benguet, Abra, and Mt. Province were then part of the Ilocos Region or Region I while Ifugao and the then Kalinga-Apayao were part of the Cagayan Valley Region.  This set-up called for intensified contact of highland citizens with Ilocano speaking lowlanders especially that regional offices of key government offices are located in Ilocano-speaking areas and that the Ilocano population is greater in number than the non-Ilocano counterparts.
Baguio City in the nucleus of Benguet has also developed into becoming an education centre of the North especially with the opening of Saint Louis University in 1912 followed through by other schools that later developed into big educational centers enrolling a large number of students.  Notable of which are the University of Baguio, University of the Cordilleras, Baguio Central University, the University of the Philippines, and Pines City Colleges.  In Baguio-Benguet alone, there are at least thirty higher education institutions (www.ched.com.ph).  The cool climate of the area is naturally attractive to students including most from the Ilocano-speaking lowlands.
These developments again put in picture the reason why Ilocano is claimed as an important language in Northern Luzon (Rubino, 1998). He further describes the Ilocano language as the “National Language of the North.”  He argued that ethnic groups in North Luzonare “more at home” with Ilocano as a second language than Tagalog or Pilipino.  For him, Ilocano is a “regional dialect” of Northern Luzon.
                Ethnologue.com lists Ilocano as “wider communication language.”  This indicates the vibrancy of the language.  The interesting point is that the website noted a “pidginized version in the northern highlands.”  This claim indicates that there is a difference in the Ilocano spoken in the lowlands from that spoken in the Cordillera highlands.(Lewis, 2013).
                Sabado (2006), from her interview with noted Cordilleran linguist Dr. M. Pungayan, listed differences on what she termed Montanosa Ilocano, alluding to the popular alternate name for the old Mt. Province that comprise highland Cordillera, from the lowland Ilocano.  She mentioned eight.  One, Montanosa Ilocano is peppered by ethnic expressions such as “angsan”, “mango”, “ngudin”, “adi”, and “mampay.”  Two, some words in the native language are Ilocanized, e.g., “ukmon” instead of “tilmon” for “swallow.”  Three, it borrows from Tagalog and English.  Four, the accent follows the native tongue.  Five, syllables are often repeated by the Montanosa speaker to emphasize degree, e.g. “makaturturog” even if “makaturog” is enough.  Six, there is difference in pronunciation.  Seventh, the Montanosaspeaker interchanges the use of “ti” or “iti”.  Eight, the Montanosa speaker uses less flowery words than the Ilocano native speaker.
                Sabado’s study also came up with some interesting points about the Montanosa Ilocano.  She found out that it is a language spoken at home by most of her study’s respondent in the capital town of Benguet.  Her respondent’s also say that each is actually their language preference for print news however, no local newspaper has adopted it yet as a medium.  On the other hand, publishers give poor acceptability, internal market, and some problems with Ilocano grammar as among the reasons why Ilocano was not considered as a medium for print news in this highland region (Sabado, 2006).  Nevertheless, the results of the study tell much about the potentials of the Montanosa Ilocano in the highland Cordillera.

How did the Ilocano language originate and developed in the highlands?
                The literature described earlier clearly points out that the Ilocano in the highlands originated from changes that happened to the Ilocano language.  Intermigration between highlanders and lowlanders diffused the lowland language to the highlands.  Constant contacts brought about by economic, religious, political, and educational endeavours also played significant roles in the acquisition of the lowland language into the highlands.
                At present, it can be said that the Cordillera Region is in a multi-lingual state with English and Filipino being acquired by speakers from formal schooling and Ilocano being acquired thru informal channels.  Ilocano print materials such as the Bibliya (Bible), Bannawag magazine and the sectarian Agriingkayo and Pagwanawanan magazines of the Jehova’s Witnesses are available to the public.  More prominent are radio stations that uses Ilocano in their broadcasts.  There are several in Baguio City including BomboRadyo DZWXand Mountain Province Broadcasting Corporation’s (MPBC) DZWT which covers the city and the nearby highland provinces of Benguet and parts of Mountain Province.  BomboRadyo DZNC in CauayanIsabela continues to reach Ifugao and Kalinga while highland parts of Abra and Apayao are reached by Ilocano stations in Region I.  Curiously though, local TV stations in Baguio City use Tagalog rather than Ilocano confirming a stable multi-lingual state.  Native speakers of highland languages, and migrants to the city who are non-Ilocano speakers still maintain their mother tongue thus the use of a common language on TV serves their interest.  The internet carries Ilocano websites including bomboradyo.com which runs Ilocano news from its radio stations including those that covers highland Cordillera.
                Movements of people are evidenced by Cordillera surnames that sound non-native to the region.  The following table gives a list of these surnames as culled from selected list of candidates in the recent local elections last May 2013.
Table 1.  List of Non-Native Cordilleran Surnames of Politicians that participated in Local Elections in the Cordillera Highlands, May 13, 2013
Place
Surname
Abra (Highland area of Tineg and Malibcong)
Coloma     Quezada     Valencia   Buenavista      Viernes
Apayao (Conner and Kabugao)
Soriano     Pascua     Mallillin   Romero    
Benguet
Soriano    Vicente    Wilson Sabado        Selencio
Ifugao
Lumauig   Domingo    Gallego    Labador     Mariano
Kalinga
Penera      Ancheta     Vicente
Mt. Province
Rafael       de Guzman     Solano    Carlos

                Most of the surnames mentioned in the table are common Ilocano surnames.  It adds to evidence that there is an active influence of the Ilocanos in the highlands.  This is probably due to movement of people including immigration and intermarriages.  Coupled with geographical proximity and necessary economic activities, the active forces of migration and intermarriages ensures the continued evolution of the Ilocano language in the highlands.
Is the highland Ilocano different from the lowland Ilocano?
                Right now, there are lexical similarities between the highland languages and the Ilocano language.  Table 2 shows some of the words.
Table 2.  Example of Terms that are Similar in the Highland and Ilokano language
Highland Language
Ilocano
English Equivalent
babuy
baboy
pig
balituk
balitok
gold
gombang
gambang
bronze
nuwang
nuwang
carabao
simbaan
simbaan
church
padi
padi
priest
madre
madre
Sister/nun
Bibliya
Bibliya
Bible
pastor
pastor
minister
asin
asin
salt
asukar/ahhukal
asukar
sugar

                The table shows that because of the contacts like trade and common endeavours like religion, the highland and lowland language have some words that are the same.  Note that pigs, carabaos, and gold were traded in the oldest recorded periods.  The Christian religion has been something common both in the lowlands and in the highlands thus the similarity in words.
                There are however terms that the highland speaker may likely use over the synonym that the native speaker likely would use.  The examples are shown in Table 3.
Table 3.  Example of differences in word to use between a the highland speaker and a native speaker
Term a highland speaker would likely use
Term the native speaker would likely use
Meaning
Ag-progreso
Agdur-as
To progress
bumisita
sumarungkar
To visit
agkamali
agbiddut
To make mistake
abaken
atiwen
To defeat
nadadael
napirdi
destroyed
newspaper
pagiwarnak
newspaper

                The table illustrates the tendency of the non-native speaker to use “narabaw nga Ilocano” a term introduced by Rubino (1998).  It would be characterized by those mentioned by Sabado (2006) such as borrowing from another language, ilocanizing local words, and use of less elaborate words.
                Thus the question on difference boils down to whether the Ilocano language would be able to sustain a distinctive identity which is one of the functions of language (Dyer, 2007 in Llamas, Mullany and Stockwell) in the highlands.  In an article by noted local columnist Dacawi (2013) on Ifugao humor, he said, “Anecdotes with local color are also best when told in the local dialect and its diction. Something is always lost in the translation, given the nuances of language.”  However, “there is no necessary relationship between territory, ethnic/cultural identity and language (Gal, 2007 in Llamas et.al).  Thus, Dacawi (2013) in rendering the some of what he calls Ifugao humor said that perhaps translating the Ifugao dialogues in Ilocano “would help readers get the drift.”  In other words, highland ethnolinguistic groups can still own another language, say Ilocano, through which it can glide its culture.  Caution would however have to be taken in what ethnologue.com refer to as language endangerment which we don’t like to happen to highland languages.
Conclusions
                The paper has explored into the origins and development of Ilocano in the highlands, the differences that it has with the aboriginal Ilocano, and its implications to culture and identity.  The paper foregrounds the discussion with the verity that the Ilocano is a “relative” to the highland languages.   It has been noted too that in many instances, Ilocano proved to be a dominant language when compared to our native highland languages.  Today, we see the prevalence of endeavours that non-Ilocano speaking people in the highland and the Ilocano speaking of the lowlands unite including education, religion, politics, and especially economic activities.  And it is certain that as with the native Ilocano speakers, the highland speakers can live through in these endeavours in the Ilocano language.  In other words, the highland can still attain cultural identity even if it uses the more prevalent Ilocano language.  Nan Ilocano ya agge nat-on (The Ilocano is not different), we would say.
                Caution however should be taken in order not allow death of highland languages.  Ethnologue.com says that endangerment is a serious concern.  It cites two reasons: 1) to avoid social and cultural disruptions and 2) more broadly to preserve the heritage of human society.  It is recommended therefore that stable multilingualism should always be maintained.  The highlands owe a lot to Ilocano for its communications but the highland speakers owe a lot to the Nabaloi, the Kankanaey, the Bontok, the Ifugao languages and other Cordillera languages the obligation to preserve them.
REFERENCES
Commission on Higher Education (2010).Mapping of higher education institutions by region, province and type (AY 2009/10) Retrieved from http://www.ched.gov.ph/
.
Commission on Elections.(2013)  Ballot templates for the 2013 national and local rlections.Retrieved from http://www.comelec.gov.ph/?r=Elections/2013natloc/2013natloc.

Dacawi, R. (2013, August 3) Ifugao Humor.  Baguio Sunstar Daily. Retrieved from www.sunstar.com.ph.

Llamas, C., Mullany, L. and Stockwell, P. (Eds.). (2007).  The Routledge Companion to Sociolinguistics.  New York: Routledge

Lewis, M., Simons, G. and Fennig, C. (eds.). 2013. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Seventeenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com.

Reid, L. (2009, March).  Who are the indigenous: origins and transformations. Cordillera review, Journal of Philippine Culture and Society 1 (1), 3 – 25.

Rubino, C. (1998). Ilocano phrasebook and dictionary. New York: Hippocrene Books.

Sabado, J. (2006). Potentials of Montanosa Ilocano as a language for print news for the different ethnolinguistic groups of La Trinidad.Unpublished undergraduate thesis.Benguet State University, La Trinidad, Benguet, Philippines.

Schultz, E. and Lavenda, R. (2001).  Cultural anthropology: a perspective on the human condition. (5thed.) California: Mayfield.

Scott, W. (1975). History on the Cordillera: collected writings on Mountain Province history. Baguio City, Philippines: Baguio Printing and Publishing.

Wardhaugh, R. (2010). An introduction to sociolinguistics. (6th ed.) West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell.




Thursday, March 20, 2014

Language Choice and Fluency Among Ifugao Migrants in Baguio City and La Trinidad, Benguet


Background of the Study
The fortunes of languages can rise and fall and are intimately linked to the fortunes of their speakers. Relatively few languages are becoming increasingly widely-spoken in the world today and it is becoming more and more difficult for smaller languages to survive. However prospects for smaller languages are not entirely gloomy and a number have been successfully revived or revitalized, and initiatives are underway to do the same for other languages.
Without a community of people to speak them and pass them on to the next generation, languages cannot survive. If a community of speakers lacks a viable environment in which to live and means of making a living, their languages are likely to decline and eventually die (Nettle & Romaine, 2000). If a community no longer view their language as a central part of their identity, as has happened for many people in such places as Ireland, Wales and the Isle of Man, the motivation to maintain the language diminishes and language is likely to go into decline (Jones & Singh, 2005).
Language change then in the community can be because of economic, political or social reasons which can happen gradually within a community.  Language change do also happen because of the movement of people, either migrating to another place or welcoming migrants in one’s place.
With movement of people or migration, a community of speakers of one language often comes in contact with a community of speakers of another language.There are two possibilities when a language meets another: language maintenance or language shift. Language shift is the change of language used by a speech community eventually displacing the former language used.Language maintenance, on the other hand, is the continuance of the use of a language despite the presence of competition to use another language.  It supposes co-existence of languages in a speech community.
In the Philippines, there are several noted language events because of migration.  Language are diffused because of migration.  For example, Rubino (1998) notes that from the North-West part of Luzon, the Ilocano language was spread to other parts of the country because of migration.  With it’s influence in other parts particularly in the provinces near the “home” of the Ilocano language, it has become a regional language.  The country has so-called major languages aside from the Ilocano.  These include Tagalog, Cebuano, Hiligaynon, Bikol and Waray (www.ethnicgroupsphilippines.com, 2012).  All these are regional languages, and an apparent reason is their strong influence in the centers where people migrate for economic reasons.  People eventually learn the language.
Aside from the majority languages, minority languages in the Philippines are also affected by migration.  Here in the Cordillera, people from different parts of the region migrate to Benguet because of the economic opportunities in this province which includes the mines and farming.  It is also noted that Baguio which is within the boundaries of Benguet is considered the economic center of the region, which in itself is attractive to people from other provinces.  However, there is a few if not absence of literature describing the situation of the languages of minority groups that converge in this economic centers.  This study wanted to contribute to literature and hopefully to encourage further study into these minority language and recommend strategies for their maintenance and development.

Conceptual Framework
There are two situations that are usually considered in a study of language maintenance or shift due to migration.  One is the migration of a migrant minority and the other is the migration of migrantmajority.  Language shift in migrant minority communities happen because of pressure from its host society.  Immigrants are expected to assimilate themselves into their new society so as not to be viewed as “different” and therefore not intimidating to the majority.  The use of language of the host society is a sign of successful assimilation and may entail stopping the use of the former language.  Individuals do this shift because of reasons like they need to have a job, be in school, and engaged in business.
Language shift in migrant majorities means that it is a majority group that invades a majority group.  A good illustration on this is colonization.  It may happen in two ways where colonizers are more in number than the local population.  Thus, the majority group’s language prevails over the local population.  It may also happen that the colonizer or new community in the place is smaller in number but it has the more dominant culture and therefore prevailing over the larger local population.
The ability to be multilingual, attitude towards a language, the ability to delineate language domains and demographic situations are among the factors that affect either language maintenance or shift. (Downes, 1998).
In the Cordilleras, Ilocano is considered to be the meeting point of people in terms of language.  It is because Ilocano is the regional language of the North thus it is the mostly used local language in media.  Most often, people from different language communities in the Cordillera understand each other with Ilocano aside from Filipino and English which are usually learned in school.
Migration is common in the region, mostly to Baguio City and its nearby localities.  The Ifugaos are among the frequent migrants that in some areas in Baguio and Benguet, there are the so-called “Kiangan Villages”, Kiangan being the usual word to refer to an Ifugao.  When these Ifugaos migrated to form their community outside their province, they carried with them their language.  With it coming into contact with other languages, language shift is a possibility depending on how well the migrant community manage the factors of language maintenance or shift.
Statistics show that the Ifugao language is among the languages with the highest percentage of decrease of users according to a report published by NCSB.A possibility of this is the migration of the Ifugaos and the possible shift of the migrants to other languages.
With the knowledge that Ifugaos are multilingual because of acquired languages such as English and Filipino from school, and Ilocano from informal learning systems such as the media, this study focused on the language choice and fluency in the native language among migrant Ifugaos.
The independent variables include the language available to the migrants specifically English, Filipino, Ilocano, Ifugao and others. The Dependent variables include the language preference of the respondents.  The place of migration and order in the generation of the migrants were used as an intervening variable.
 
 Statement of the Problem
The study wanted to explore the language preferred or frequently used by Ifugao migrants.  Specifically, answers were sought for the following research problems:
1. What language are preferred or frequently used by respondents’ in the following situations:
a. Watching TV/Listening to Radio?
b. Reading print media (newspapers, magazines, novels)?
c. Listening to music?
d. Prayer and worship?
e. Conversing with housemates?
f. Conversing with friends?
g. Texting?
h. Surfing the Internet/E-mailing /Facebook?
2.  What is the respondents’ perceived fluency in their own native language?
3.  Is there a difference in the respondents’ language preference/frequent use along:
a. generations of migrants
b. Place of migration ((San Carlos Heights, Baguio City and Alno, La Trinidad)
4.  Is there a difference in the respondents’ perceived fluency along
a. Generation of migrants
b. Place of migration

Research Design
The research followed a descriptive design.  It is both quantitative and qualitative and aims to describe the language most preferred/frequently used by Ifugao migrants.  It also intends to look into observable differences when respondents are grouped in accordance with some intervening variable which can yield possible factors in the either language maintenance or shift among the Ifugaos.
Respondents
The respondents of the study are thirty residents of San Carlos Heights, Baguio City and thirty residents from Barangay Alno, La Trinidad, Benguet.  The locales of the study were chosen because of their contrasting characteristics.  First is their location.  San Carlos Heights is a village in Baguio City, part of Barangay Irisan and thus part of an urban area.  Alno on the other hand is in a rural setting in La Trinidad municipality.  Second is the mixture of people in these communities.  Because of their location, one is mixture of many migrants while the other is mostly Ifugao migrants only.  San Carlos Heights hosts many other migrants from Mountain Province while Alno is mostly of Ifugao migrants.  Third is on the nature of economic activity available to the migrants that affects their association with speakers of other language.  In San Carlos Heights, while there are some household livelihood activities such as handicrafts, the jobs available to the people are outside of the village such as mining in Itogon, employment in the city, and non-permanent jobs such as joining carpentry contracts.  On the other hand, Alno has its gardens to offer to migrants.  Some migrants own their own lands to till while most are tenants of the native’s gardens.
Data Gathering Instrument and Procedure
A questionnaire was used as a main tool in gathering the data. The questionnaire includes the language preference in which the respondents have multiple answers; they also have a self-rate on fluency and an open-ended question. To validate the result of the data gathered, an interview with the migrants and observations of conversations in households was conducted.
Interpretation of Data
Frequency count and percentages were used to come up with a meaningful analysis of data gathered.  The study did not pursue finding statistical difference in the results.  This is recommended in a further study that would continue what this exploratory study has begun.

Language Preference/Frequently Used by Migrants
                  The respondents were asked to identify the language they most preferred or frequently used in eight domains.  The broadcast domain includes the TV and Radio.  The print domain includes their preference as to newspaper, magazines, and literature.  The music domain includes FM music, and recordings available in the market.  The computing domain includes their facebook, computer games, and e-mail.  The other domains considered were the language used in home conversation, interaction with friends, and texting.
                  Table 1 shows the language preference/frequently used as gathered from the sixty respondents.  Since the domain on broadcast, print, and music are either limited or lacking, the respondents were asked instead on their preference if the Ifugao language was available in this domain.
                  It is interesting to note that the Ifugao language is most preferred/frequently used in only one out of the eight domains.  This is the domain of the home.  It tells that parents and children are actively communicating in the Ifugao language in their homes.  This is a positive development as the home is considered as the last bastion of any language (Michieka, 2012).
                  The present study contradicts an “unusual” finding by Husain (2011) whereby “Asian countries did not speak their mother tongue at home” as it was found out that Asian communities introduce English to children so that they will not lag behind in academics, and that parents believe the mother tongue may interfere with the learning of correct English.  While the present study
                  The results also show that the availability of the language in a particular domain is a factor in the preference of a speaker.  Filipino or Tagalog emerged as most preferred language in broadcast as it is the available language in most television networks to which the respondents get their news.  English is the language used in computing as internet contents are usually in English.  Also, the accessibility of the language is a factor.  Most of the respondents wrote in their remarks that ““Narigatngaag-spelling tiifugaoisunganarigatngausarenti text.”
      The sociological context is also a factor in the language preference of the migrants.  The migrants come into contact with people speaking other languages and the most accessible local language is the Ilocano, thus it emerged to be the most preferred in the domain of texting and conversation with friends.

Table 1. Language Preference of the respondents along the different domains
Domain
Percentage of Respondents Preference/Frequent Use
Frequently Used/Most Preferred
English
Filipino
Ilocano
Ifugao
Broadcast
27
58
33
*
Filipino
Print
53
50
20
**
English
Music
65
37
25
***
English
Church
37
30
55
43
Ilocano
Home
2
17
65
70
Ifugao
Friends
15
33
72
50
Ilocano
Texting
33
53
63
30
Ilocano
Computing
57
37
3
3
English
*33 % of the respondents say that if there is broadcast using the Ifugao language, they will patronize it.
** 18% of the respondents say that should there be literature written in the Ifugao language, they will be reading it
***25 % say that they would prefer the Ifugao music if there is abundant production of it.

Perceived Degree of Fluency
      Figure 1 describes the perceived fluency of the Ifugao migrants.

Figure 1
Perceived Fluency of the Migrants

Majority of the respondents they are very fluent in the Ifugao language.  This means that they find it very easy to communicate in the language, have no difficulty in speaking, writing, and reading in the language.  Not far behind are those who claim to be moderately fluent.  They communicate well in the language but finds difficulty in speaking, writing, and reading.  Most of those in this category complain that “Narigattiagsurat ken agbasaitiIfugao.”  Thus in reading the bible, they prefer more in English or Ilocano version than in the Ifugao version. The difficulty comes because of limited vocabulary or some “deep” terms in the Ifugao language is not known.  For the case of those in Alno, many were able to learn to Ibaloi language and they claim that it is easier to write and read in this language than their native Ifugao.  Some say they are fairly fluent because they can understand the language, speak a little, but often end up communicating in another language, mostly in Ilocano language.  And a few say they are not fluent as they completely or almost completely do not communicate in the native language.  Even in the home, they would prefer the Ilocano because they do not know Ifugao.  While they may understand a little, it is too limited so as to say that they are fair in fluency.

Differences in the degree of language preference
      Tables 2 and 3 present the differences observed in the most preferred/language frequently used when the respondents are grouped according to the place of migration and order in the generation, respectively.
      As discussed earlier, the two locale of the study have contrasting characteristics which can be a factor in the language maintenance or shift of migrants.  Table 2 provides some evidence.
                  While in Table 1, it is said that in general, Ifugao is still used in the home, the results when the respondents are grouped according to place of migration show that in San Carlos Height, Ilocano is top notch in the domain of the home although the Ifugao language is not far behind. 
It is to be noted that San Carlos also have many migrants from other non-Ifugao speaking places thus Ilocano was the more accessible language in the community thus it is very possible that the community at large influences the language of the home.  In Alno, in the sitios where Ifugaos are found, they dominate it.  For example, in Obudan, out of the more than ten households there, only three households are Ibaloi thus within the community, Ifugao language was the medium of communication.
Table 2.  Language Most Preferred/Frequently Used When Grouped According to Place of Migration

Domain
Percentage of respondents
Most Preferred/ Frequently Used
English
Filipino
Ilocano
Ifugao
Alno
SCarlos
Alno
SCarlos
Alno
SCarlos
Alno
SCarlos
Alno
SCarlos
Broadcast
27
27
60
58
36
30


Filipino
Filipino
Print
50
57
57
43
17
23


Filipino
English
Music
63
67
40
33
33
17


Filipino
English
Church
27
47
33
27
67
43
43
43
Ilocano
English
Home
0
33
13
20
53
75
70
70
Ifugao
Ilocano
Friends
10
20
20
47
63
80
53
47
Ilocano
Ilocano
Texting
30
37
37
70
57
63
23
37
Ilocano
Filipino
Computing
43
70
37
37
7
0
4
4
English
English

        It is to be noted that San Carlos also have many migrants from other non-Ifugao speaking places thus Ilocano was the more accessible language in the community thus it is very possible that the community at large influences the language of the home.  In Alno, in the sitios where Ifugaos are found, they dominate it.  For example, in Obudan, out of the more than ten households there, only three households are Ibaloi thus within the community, Ifugao language was the medium of communication.
Table 3 shows the results when the respondents are grouped according to the generations and responses as percentage of the total number of responses in each category. 
The evidence on the social context is most observable here. In the broadcast domain for example, the first generation prefer it in the Ilocano while the second and third generation prefers it in the Tagalog.  This is indicative of the level of education of the respondents.  While that variable is not included in the study, such variable is recommended in future studies.
In the domain of the home, the first and second generation still prefers Ifugao but the third generation has Ilocano.  This is a symptom of possible language shift in among the third generation of the migrants.
Table 3.  Differences in Preference/Frequently Used Language When Grouped According to Generation
Domain

Percentage of Respondents
Most Preferred/ Frequently used
English
Filipino
Ilocano
Ifugao
1st
2nd
3rd
1st
2nd
3rd
1st
2nd
3rd
1st
2nd
3rd
1st
2nd
3rd
Broadcast
10
35
35
45
75
55
70
5
25



Ilo
Fil
Fil
Print
25
70
65
55
40
55
45
10
5



Fil
Eng
Eng
Music
45
75
75
25
50
35
70
0
5



Ilo
Eng
Eng
Church
10
7
10
25
50
35
25
20
45
65
55
45
Ifu
Ifu
Ifu
Home
0
5
0
5
25
20
60
60
75
80
80
50
Ifu
Ifu
Ilo
Friends
0
25
20
5
40
55
70
75
70
85
30
35
Ifu
Ilo
Ilo
Texting
5
45
50
10
70
80
55
60
65
45
25
20
Ilo
Fil
Fil
Computing
5
70
95
5
60
45
5
5
0
5
5
0
All
Eng
Eng


A surprise result is in the domain of the church.  While the general result in Table 1 shows that that in general, Ilocano was preferred, when taken as a percentage of each of the group of respondents, all three generations prefer church language to be in Ifugao.  This is indicative that they feel more their attachment to praise and worship in the language they have in their hearts.  This can be explained further in a study on the psychosocial aspect of the language. 
Difference in fluency
               Figures 2 and 3 present the snapshots of the fluency of migrants when grouped according to place of migration and order of generation, respectively.
According to place of migration, data gathered show that in general the Alno migrants are more fluent in their native Ifugao language than their counterparts in San Carlos Heights.  On the “Not Fluent” category, there was even a zero result of the Alno group.  This is indicative of a more active use of the Ifugao language in Alno than in San Carlos.



Figure 2
Degree of Fluency According to Place of Migration

            The more varied number of languages spoken in the community can also be factor to fluency.  They tend to use other languages than their own.  This situation is captures in this quote from a respondent “Nu maminsanketgapu ta naglalauktisaoketkaslamaymayattiagsaoti Ilocano tapnumaawatanamin”. (Sometimes because there is a mixture of language, it is better to use Ilocano so that everybody can understand).  This situation favors language shift more than language maintenance (Downes, 1998).   In Alno, the Ifugaos were able to transmit their language to the Ibalois who are native of the place.  Many respondents tell that “Nasuro mi tiIbaloi, nasuron met dagitiIbaloitisaungaIfugao.” (We learned Ibaloi, they also learned Ifugao).  Thus it led to a community where they can speak one language.  This situation favors language maintenance.
Figure 3 shows the trend on a possible language shift among migrants.  Among the second and third generations those who are “very fluent” are outnumbered by those who claim to have moderate, fair, or no fluency.  The positive situation is that the first generation are still very fluent and are alive to still be able to impart their language to the succeeding generation.



Figure 3
Difference in Fluency When Grouped According to Generation
      The result is well related to Table 3 in which because the preference of the second and third generations in most domains is a language other than the Ifugao language, it affected their fluency.  Fluency is attained by frequent use.
                  As a summary, data shows that:
1.      Among Ifugao migrants, their native language is most preferred/frequently used only only in one of the eight domains evaluated.
2.      Among Ifugao migrants, 48 % claim to be very fluent in the native language.
3.      There is an observed difference in the preference of the Ifugao migrants when grouped according to place and order of generation.
4.      There is an observed difference in the fluency when grouped according to place and generation.

Conclusion
      From the findings, the following conclusions are arrived at:
1.      The domain of the home proves to be the last bastion of the Ifugao language among Ifugao migrants as other languages are preferred in other domains.
2.      There is still a strong fluency in the Ifugao language among Ifugao migrants.
3.      Language shift to Ilocano is starting to show in San Carlos migrants, and especially among the third generation of the migrants.
4.      Fluency in the Ifugao language decreases when it is not frequently used in the locale of the migration and in the descendant generations.

Recommendations
The following recommendations are drawn from the conclusions:
1.      The parents should be willing to teach their children the Ifugao native language as the home is the last bastion of a language
2.      Fluency in the native language should always be maintained by enhancing fluency thru daily use.
3.      The boundaries of when to use another language such as Ilocano should be delineated.The 2nd and 3rd generation migrants should be encouraged to keep regular contact with people in Ifugao so as to maintain their union with the native language and the culture that it represents. 
4.      The community should maintain venue for the use of native language so as not to lose fluency in the language.  Daily use enhances fluency.The parents should provide avenues by which their children are encouraged to use the Ifugao language as much as other languages.

Literature Cited
ALBERT, J. (2013) Many Voices, One Nation: The Philippine Languages and Dialects in Figures.  National Statistics Coordination Board.http://www.nscb.gov.ph/sexystats/2013/SS20130830_dialects.asp accessed on 12 September 2013.

DOWNES W. (1998) Language and Society 2nd ed. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press


JONES & SINGH.(2005) Second language issues and multiculturalism.Reading Research Quarterly, 42(3), 430-436. New York.

MICHIEKA M. (2012) Language Maintenance and Shift among Kenyan University Students. Paper presented in the 41st Annual Conference of African Linguistic www.lingref.com/cpp/acal/41/paper2746.pdf accessed on June 22, 2013

NETTLE & ROMAINE.( 2000) Language shift and Language Death.(pp. 39-58). Rotterdam, Boston, Taipei: Sense Publishers.

RUBINO, C. (1998) Ilocano Phrasebook and Dictionary.  New York: Hippocrene Books.

___________________________
Note:  This was submitted as a term paper to the faculty of the Graduate School, College of Arts and Sciences, Benguet State University, October 2013.

The paper is submitted together with fellow student Aaron Flores.