Good Morning! (In the Ifugao Tuwali Language)

The old way to tell time is with reference to the sun.  For instance, this photo was taken in a mun-abia or mun-abigat in Ifugao Tuwali language, when the sun is yet beneath the horizon but reflects enough light to break the darkness. 

"Good Morning!" I greeted my eldest son one morning.

"Good Morning!" He responded.

Then I gamely asked him, "Ngan pe tuwali di hapit tau hi 'morning'?" (So what's our word for 'morning'?)  He answered "Ot morning." (What else but morning.)

And so I tried to verse him about how the parts of the day are said in the Ifugao Tuwali language. Broadly, morning is nawi'it, noontime is nalalgo, afternoon is nahimbatangan and night time is nahdom.  In some Tuwali-speaking areas, morning is biggatna and noontime is nal-algo.

There are terms for some specific time - mun-abi-a when daylight starts to emerge; munawiwi'it for the earliest part of daylight; nunggawa when the sun is about above the mountains (about 8 AM on the watch); nawod when the sun is already above the skies and nearing noontime (about 10 AM); naiwil just after noontime, mun-aahom when darkness starts to appear, and gawan di hilong for middle of the night.

Old folks also often make reference to usual things that happen to make reference to time.  For example in the very early, there is pimminghan or pinghan di talanu for the first cock's crow, pimmidwa or pidwa(second) or pitlun (third) di talanu.  At dusk, there is hinnah-hinag, or simply himminag or hinag with reference to the colorful strata or light reflecting from the sun below the horizon.

I don't think my son was able to absorb all that I said.  Maybe, he would when he finds how this is applied in some future conversations.

When our children were still infants, my wife and I decided that we use the Ifugao Tuwali language at home.  We agreed that their English and Filipino can be honed in school and Iloko which is the vernacular in our current residence can be learned from their playmates.  Our main objective is for them to achieve conversational proficiency in the native language so they won't have difficulty conversing with folks when we visit our hometown.  I think we have achieved the objective although we have observed that sometimes they have some problems in Ifugao "grammar", if we can call it as such, and on correct usage of words.  My "good morning" to my eldest shows they have a lot to improve on.

Praying in the Local Language

Dr. Anongos starting the Tukab ceremony at the BSU Centennial celebration, Cultural Night.  Photo Credit: BSU ICT Personnel (Estimber/Donly/Hamshu)

I heard someone joke that if we pray in the English language, the blessing might fall in the USA or any of the countries where English is the native language.  I think the idea behind this yarn is that the prayer would be more straight from the heart if it were in the language very much close to the one praying.

A recent activity here at Benguet State University, which is celebrating its Centennial Year, was a Cultural Night.  Dr. Stanley Anongos, the Director of the university's Center for Culture and Arts, found it appropriate that prayers said in local languages be part of the program.  It will be performed as a ceremony following the Tukab rite.  Tukab is a practice common to many Cordillerans.  As I understood it from him, it is a ceremony before opening jars filled with wine to be served to people gathered on certain occasion.  It is called Duhat in the Ibaloi parts of Benguet, Tukab or sometimes pronounced as Tekab in the northern part of Benguet and the Mt. Province or Tukab and Huap or Tukab in parts of Ifugao.

Dr. Stanley asked me to be among those who would say a prayer in my Ifugao-Tuwali language.  I had some hesitations - first, the university have elders and I believed that Tukab performance is more appropriate to elders, and second, I have stage fright and the ceremony was to be performed in view of fellow employees and students.  But my reason couldn't prevail as I too believed on his advocacy of cultural preservation.  In the end, I have to prepare something to say.

Here was the piece I prepared, in the Ifugao-Tuwali language (a rough English translation followed):

He’an Maknongan an emi pangidawdawatan

Ituwen emi amamlongan, aam-amungan

He’an Naabbaktun Mangitudtudu

Alpuwan di anammin an laing ya udbagi timpu

Uddudhungan da’mi ni’ bahan

Wagaham hituwen punihkulan

An emo teyya natawotawonan

Hinggatut di mabilang

Adi kuma mipulpullang

Ya adi matawwanan

Hana ta hantu da’en buhi

Adi matchu’ adi miwili

Ha’ey mika’ut hinan luta

Humalungabngabda ya bumunga

Ta da’min tatagu ya mid umulhi

Hana daen mangipaput an empleyadu

Mipaputda ya mapromotedah ngunu

Hanadaen munpunihkul

Pumasa dan maid miikul

Ta hanat annamin ya mibakbaktu

Bot-on dah’mi pamhod

Ta imimiy emi iliod

Di’et on ami tumokpa

Laing mu kumay alpuwana

Ta mumbalin on linggop, maid magod

English translation:

To You our God, to whom we offer

This our happiness, our gathering

You who is the Highest Teacher

Source of Wisdom, and Owner of Time

We implore you look down upon us

Bless this school

Which has advanced in years

Hundred now is the count

So it won’t be forsaken

Nor taken for granted

And we do hope that this jars

Will not run dry nor thrown away

And things we dig into the soil

That it will be robust and bear fruit

So no one would get stiff

Our hope for hardworking employees

That they’ll be cared for and get promoted

And our hope for our student

That they be passed and no one left behind

So that everyone will be able to rise

Bind us in your Love

So it would be smiles that we bring around

And should we spit out

Let it be from your Wisdom

So it would become peace and no one gets hurt

However, in the actual performance, it was probably my stage fright that overwhelmed me - perhaps due to the large audience and I was in an attire I liked wearing but I was not used to - that my tongue did not get the rhyme of my supposed second line.  And as I was thinking of which lines to succeed, I totally forgot my rhymes and eventually the rhythm that I have to device spontaneity.  The result was that something I was supposed to say in a minute took a longer time,

I still think that my companions (five of them) and I were able to deliver the CCA director's idea. Some colleagues said positive critique of it.  

There's just one feedback that made me ponder a little more.  Someone said, why do we have to bring pagan practices back?  I understood the comment upon the belief that the culture of our ancestors is in conflict with the present Christian faith.  I have not snapped back to the person who said it but in my mind, I believed that practices of olden times such as Tukab can be Christianized.

And if blessings will be granted, I believe that it will befell the Cordilleras because it was said in the local languages.  

"Adita lumagilagitang..." and other wise words of a farmer

"Farming" is the daily activities of most villagers in Mompolia.  And from the daily experiences, "farmer" La'boy was able to coin verses that rings in the minds of the village folk

In my native place of Mompolia in Hingyon, Ifugao, when one speaks in rhymes, people would immediately say “Kay a neyya hi La’boy!” (You are like La’boy.)

This man, La’boy, was just like many other old folks in the village who claims farming as their occupation.  Farming, or liya’ in the local vernacular, is understood mainly in this part as primarily growing rice in pond fields, and sweet potatoes up the mountains for household consumption and not really for business-related endeavors.  He is also known blacksmith known mainly for his trowels that lasts long and very handy.  He passed away in the mid-2000 of some illness and old age, but he is well-remembered for his verses even by the village kids of this generation because of the rhymes and inherent wisdom.

Here are some of my favorites:

1.      Adita kumanoga, te ma’id ha boga. (Don’t cry, for there is no rice)

This was addressed to kids who cries whenever their parents leave home to go to the farm (because probably they wanted to go along or simply do not like their parents to leave.)  On the other hand, it is an advice to parents not to give in to children tantrums, otherwise, the metaphoric "no rice" will happen.

2.       Bokon ha tunnutunnudan, te on ta man mabutyugan. (Don’t keep on going along, or you’ll end up pregnant)

This was addressed to young women seen going along with male friends especially on vain activities such as drinking sessions.  There is that other version addressed to the young ones going out of the village to the high schools, colleges and universities: "Da'yun binabai an munihkul, tigon ta hay iyanamut ya bokon ha bukul."  (To you young ladies who go to school, be sure to come home not with bulging tummies."  And to the young lads, he says:  "Da'yun linalain munihkul, itpol ta bokon hay ikul di ikanullikul."  (To you young men, have self-control, use not your tails for your desires.)
  

3.       Adi palngan di lahin nu addi ta paaggattang hi ahin.  (Never bother to get marry if you can’t even buy salt.)

This is in relation to no. 2 and is addressed to those planning to get married.  But he encourages marriages as he says in another verse, "Onta mi'yaddum ta waha midmiddum, mangituluy hi yahyah, hin timmeynan di linnawa." (We marry in order to add someone, to continue one's breath when the soul departs."

4.       Mundongol hi ittuddun di mittulu ta hay nomnom ya mitultulu. (Listen to the teacher so your knowledge be raised.)

This is addressed to the youth going to school.

5.       Ngay hilbin di bullo-bullogan hin ma’id ha mapallogan.  (What is the use of going along when there is no change.)

In La'boys time, he observed that people usually gets in line on farm dikes on their way to Sunday "duklin" (from the word doctrine, but usually refers to a prayer meeting).  Also, there are groups who spends time going house-to-house preaching.  It is probably an admonition to people that with their faith, something has got to change.

But he is not against going to church as his other verse says "Dumingu e ya inipluy hi simbaan te hidiy punhibaan hi hapit an nabalituan." (On Sundays, we go to church for that place is where golden words are cooked, i.e. talked about.)

6.       Man gahin di on ta mabubudu ya ahi wada ha maphod hi ibudu.  (It is only when one gets bristled that one can come out with something good.)

He was probably stating an experience in uma (swidden farming) wherein one has got to clear out runo grass and hence the big possibility of being hurt by its spine before being able to have a place to plant sweet potatoes and legumes particularly peas and monggo.   Also, it must perhaps be his description of hunting, wherein one needs to go through the hardship among the runos on the mountains to put up traps before coming out with a hunt of "laman" (wild pig) or "ulha" (deer).   

7.       Adi dita patpatiyon te ma’id ha oggan paltiyon.  (No one believes us, because we never butchered something.)

This was probably a commentary to some arrogant rich who would not listen to the poor.  In La'boy's time, being rich is defined as having possession  of forested land, rice pond fields and "gamong" (valuable articles such as jars, gongs, and furniture).  The concept of "rich" has of course been redefined in present Ifugao society but the applicability of La'boys still holds true.

It is a cry against discrimation as seen in the following versions: "Adi dita imbitalon te puttut han pantalon." (They do not invite us because we are not wearing long pants)

"Adi dita oggan ayagan te agge ta nabonyagan." (They were not calling us because we were not baptized.)

8.       Ingganah onta e humagub ya ahi waha pangulah nan munagub.  (It is only when we fetch that there’s something to use for washing.)

In earlier times, people need to fetch water from the springs to bring to their households particularly for cooking and for drinking water.  This household chore is usually for the kids who should do this before going and after coming from school.  The other version of this is "Di et onta immanamut ya eta himmagub ta waday punha'ang ya pangulah munagub."(When you come home, fetch eater for cooking and washing off unpleasant odor.")

The deeper meaning perhaps is on exerting effort in order to achieve something (see no. 7). 

9.       Haey adal ya nihamad an habal.  (Education is a solid farm.)
This is probably not only La'boy's.  It is also heard from other folks admonishing their children to to school because it was how the Philippine educational system was presented.  But its meaning is probably one of the most misunderstood.  Formal school (elementary school) was introduced in the village of Mompolia in the 1950's.  In La'boy's time, not everybody went to school as there is the contrary saying "Hay adal ya tumunga'" ("Education makes one dumb".  Parents say this because schooling will necessarily let the children skip from work in the rice fields.)  But many are enticed when talking about the higher wages/salary of those who are able to finish their college as compared to the economic gains of farming which is just intended to feed a household.  Thus believing on education as new farm went on for decades until it came to a point when people are simply satisfied with "as long as I finish college" resulting to misemployment, underemployment and unemployment.  Thus this verse should be understood with no.. 4 being diligent in acquiring education and raising up one's knowledge.  In other words, "right education."  But the advise remains the same, "Da'yun u'unga ya ipiphod munpun-adal ta punbalinon yun maphod and habal."  (To the young, do good in going to school to make it your good farm." 

10.   Adita lumagilagitang te mihapattah nan patang ot ma’id ha odamon hi potang. (Do not fool around or they’ll put you under the house (i.e. to death) and you’ll no longer enjoy the sunshine.) 

This was again an advise to the young.(The reference to the "patang" (a "cupboard" under an Ifugao native house in between the posts) is referring to becoming a a "baag" (wrapped bone remains of a dead person).  In Ifugao culture, the remains of a dead relative are extracted from the tombs a year or two from burial.  It is re-interred after being afforded the appropriate rites.)

There are related advises such as "Hay mainum ya ittuh nan putu ta mundaga nan butu." (When you drink, put it in the stomach so it may become urine.)

"Iphod nuon ta mun-anawa, te ilagat da may linnawa." (Be careful when pacifying becuase they might include your soul.)

"Nan gumo' ya adi hummo'." (The iron knows no mercy, referring to the knives and other harmful obbjects used in fights.)

Ang Wika Kong Tuwali

 (Last week, Buwan ng mga Wika (Languages Month) in the Philippines, a researcher came to me for an interview regarding my native language.  According to her, the research is part of a project sanctioned by the Philippine government's Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino.  The interview is rendered in the native language and to be translated into Filipino.  It was a good thing that I was given a guide beforehand on the interview that I was able to write what it was in my mind.  The questions ranged from the description of the ethnolinguistic group to which I belong and the language used.  The interview wounded up with regards to the mixing up of native language to regional, national, and international languages.  This article is resulting from said interview)

Ifugao – ito ang pagkakilala kong tawag sa ethnoliguistic group na kinabibilangan ko.  Tuwali naman ang batid kong tawag sa wika ng grupong ito.

Ang alam ko, Ifugao din ang tawag ng mga taga-ibang lugar sa amin.  Sa palagay ko, nabigyang-diin ang tawag na ito sapagkat Ifugao ang pangalan ng probinsiya namin.  Gayunpaman, marami pa ring taga-ibang lugar, kapwa Pilipino at banyaga, ang nagtuturing sa mga Ifugao bilang mga Igorot, isang bagay na napagtatalunan hanggang ngayon.  Maraming Ifugao kasi ang hindi tanggap ang pagpapalagay na sila ay Igorot.  Natala sa ilang libro na bagamat Igorot ang pangkalahatang pantukoy ng mga sumakop na Kastila sa mga katutubo na kanilang nadatnan sa mga bulubunduking natawag na Gran Cordillera, ang salitang Ifugaw bilang pantukoy sa mga katutubo ay nagamit din sa mga unang ulat ng mga banyagang unang nakarating sa lupaing sakop ng ngayo’y lalawigan ng Ifugao.

Ang salitang Ifugao ay pinaniniwalaang hango sa unlaping “i-”, na ang ibig sabihin ay “mula sa” at salitang-ugat na “pugo” na tumutukoy sa isang babahagyang patag na lugar sa gilid ng burol o bundok.  Mapupuna na ang mga kabahayan at nayon ng mga Ifugao ay natatatag sa mga ganitong klaseng lugar.  May mga ibang teorya na ang salitang Ifugao ay may kinalaman sa pagsasaka ng mga katutubo.  Mapapansin na ang salitang pinugo ng mga taga-Banaue, isang bayan sa Ifugao, ay nangangahulugang palayan sa mga gilid ng bundok.  Bukod pa rito, isa sa mga uri ng palay na sinasaka ng mga taga-Ifugao ay ang Ipuggo.

Ang salitang Tuwali naman ay pinaniniwalaang pagpapangalan ng mga naunang mananaliksik sa wika na nakarating sa Ifugao.  Kapag ito’y isinalin sa Tagalog, ang ibig sabihin ay pwedeng “na nga”, “kasi”, o "dahil."  Halimbawa, kung sakali ang tanong ay “Ano ang tawag sa inyong wika?” Pwedeng sasagot ang kausap ng “On hapit tuwali oya dan gahin on ngadanan?” Ang salin nito sa tagalog ay, “Wika na nga, kailangan pa bang pangalanan?” (Ito ang haka-haka kong usapan ng mga unang mananaliksik at ang mga katutubo na humantong sa pagpapangalan sapagkat tuwali ang nabatid ng mananaliksik.)  Iba pang halimbawa ng gamit ng tuwali – “Ngay inat mu tuwali?” na ang salin ay “Anong ginawa mo kasi?”; Tanong: Bakit di ninyo ininom ang alak?, Sagot: “Tuwali ot makalannu” na ang salin ay “Dahil ito’y napakaasim.”  Bukod sa haka-hakang ang tuwali ang unang narinig ng mananaliksik bilang panngalan ng wika, mapapansing ang salitang ito ay karaniwan at madalas ginagamit sa araw-araw na pakikipagtalastasan.  Maari ring masabi na ito ay natatanging salita kaya’t mainam ipangalan sa wika.

Ang Tuwali ay sinasalita sa gitna’t hilagang-kanluran ng Ifugao.  Ang mga partikular na lugar ay ang mga bayan ng Hingyon, Kiangan at Hungduan at ilang mga barangay o bahagi ng mga bayan ng Tinoc, Asipulo, Lamut, Lagawe na kabisera ng lalawigan, at Banaue.  May mga nayon ding nagsasalita ng Tuwali sa ilang bahagi ng Nueva Vizcaya, Quirino, Isabela, Benguet at Baguio City.  Ito ay mga kumpol ng mga dayong Ifugao na namalagian na sa mga nasabing lugar.  Kung pagsuma-sumahin ang mga indibidwal na gumagamit ng Tuwali, sa tantiya ko’y aabot ito ng humigit-kumulang isandaang libo.  Lagpas ito sa kalahati ng populasyon ng buong lalawigan ng Ifugao.  Sa palagay ko ay dumarami ang nagsasalita ng wikang Tuwali.  Ang dagok lang siguro ay ang pagkahalo ng wikang Ingles, Filipino, at Iluko.

Para sa akin, may apat na mga pangunahing baryasyon ng salitang Tuwali.  Ito ay ang wikain sa Kiangan at Hungduan, ang wikain sa Hingyon, wikain sa Lagawe, at ang wikain sa Banaue.  Bagaman ang huli (wikain sa Banaue) ay itinuring ng ethnologue.com bilang hiwalay na wika (at pinangalanang Amganad Ifugao) sa Tuwali, paniwala ko na ito lamang ay baryasyon ng wikang Tuwali. Nagkakaintindihan naman ang mga taga-Amganad, Banaue at ang iba pang nagsasalita ng wikang Tuwali.  Kung mayroon mang pagkakaiba sa ilang terminolohiya, pwedeng masabing ang mga itoy magkasingkahulugan lamang.

Ang isang pagkakakaiba at pagkakilanlan sa kaibhan nga mga wikaing Tuwali ay sa gamit ng ilang grapheme katulad ng ‘k’.  Ang Tuwali ng Kiangan ang pinakamayaman dito.  Ang ibang graphemes na nagdudulot ng kaibhan ay ang ch.  Nagkakaiba rin sa ilang glottal stops, function words, auxiliaries at iba pang aspetong linggwistiko.  Upang ilarawan ang mga ito, narito ang ilang halimbawa. 

Filipino	Tuwali-Kiangan	Tuwali-Lagawe	Tuwali-Hingyon	Tuwali-Banaue
Papunta ako	Umaliak	Umaliya’	Umaliya’	Umaliya’
Punta ka	Umeka	Ume-a	Ume-a	Ume-a
diket	Dayakkot	dayakkot, chayakkot	dayakkot, daya’ot	daya’ot
Punta ka na.	Ekago.	Ekago.	Ekabo.	Ekabo.
Why?	Tipe’	Kanape?, Nape?	Nganu? Onnganu?	Tanganu?

Sa bawat pangunahing baryasyon ay may mga pailalim na iba pang kaibhan.  Halimbawa na lamang sa Hingyon, nag-iiba minsan sa bawat barangay.  Ang mga sumusunod ay ilang halimbawa.

Tagalog	Barangay Bitu at Anao, at iba pa	Barangay Mompolia at ilang iba pa
pambayo	lal-u	lalu
sabihin	kalyon	alyon
bitagin	botakon	botaon
short	tikke	tikke, ti’e

Napupuna rin na nagkakaiba sa pagbigkas.  Halimbawa, sinasabing ang mga katutubo sa Barangay Cababuyan ng Hinyon ay mabigat ang kanilang pagbigkas kaysa sa ibang barangay ng Hingyon.

Sa palagay ko ang Tuwali ay malapit sa salitang Kan-kanaey ng Benguet bagaman walang bahagi ng Ifugao ang nagsasalita nito.  Siyempre malapit din ito sa ibang mga wika na mayroon ang lalawigan ng Ifugao.

Ang mga ibang pangunahing wika na katutubo sa Ifugao ay ang Ayangan, Kalanguya, at Iluko.  Ang sinasabing Ayangan na bahagi ng Ifugao ay ang gitnang silangan nito.  Sakop nito ang silangang Banaue, mga bayan ng Aguinaldo at Mayoyao, ang sitio Humalophop ng Barangay Mompolia sa Hingyon, silangang Lagawe at silangan hangggang katimugan ng Lamut, at ilang bahagi ng Asipulo.  Hindi lang ako sigurado kung ang mga salita sa bawat lugar na nabanggit ay pwedeng maituring na baryasyon ng wikang Ayangan o maituturing na mga hiwalay na wika.  Ang ethnologue.com ay kinikilala ang Ifugao Mayawyaw (tinutukoy ang Mayoyao) at Ifugao Bayninan (tinutukoy ang Bayninan na barangay ng Banaue) bilang mga hiwalay na wika.

Ang Kalang-uyya naman ay ang wika ng karamihan sa Tinoc at Asipulo.  Sinasabing mayroon itong baryasyon na tinatawag na Keley-I na sinasalita sa isang barangay sa Asipulo.  Ang Iluko naman ang pangunahing wika sa mga bayang pinakamalapit sa kapatagan, ang kalagitnaan ng bayan ng Lamut at ang bayan ng Alfonso Lista.

Sa tingin ko ay mataas ang pagkilala ng mga katutubo sa kanilang sariling wika.  Ginagamit ito sa pang-araw-araw na pag-uusap katulad ng sa palengke, sa pagitan ng mga mag-anak, at sa magkakapitbahay/magkakaibigan.  Ginagamit din ito ng mga kandidato sa pangangampanya tuwing halalan.  At bagaman sa simbahan, ang mga services o misa ay kadalasang sa wikang Ingles, madalas ding ginagamit ang katutubong wika sa mga sermon at dasal.  Mapapansin din na may mga lipi ng Bibliya sa Tuwali Kiangan at Tuwali-Banaue (Amganad).

Katulad ng naunang nabanggit, karamihan sa mga katutubo ay kayang magsalita sa mga wikang Ingles, Filipino, at Iluko.  Itong mga wika na banyaga sa Ifugao ay kadalasang natututunan sa mga pahayagan, eskwelahan, telebisyon at radio.  Mapupuna na karamihan sa mga local na istasyon ng telebisyon at radio na sumasakop sa Ifugao ay nakabase sa Isabela na Iluko ang isa sa pangkalahatang katutubong wika.

Kahit sa pangkaraniwang pakikipagtalastasan ay nagagamit ang paghalo sa wikang hindi katutubo sa lugar.  May mga pagkakataon kasi na mas maipapaintindi o maipapaanuwa ang sentido o damdamin ng sinasabi sa pamamagitan ng banyagang wika.  At maaamin rin na hindi mayaman ang wikang katutubo sa mga terminolohiya sa mga araling agham, matematiko, at kahalintulad na paksain.

Pwedeng masabi na bata pa lang ay katutubong wika na ang natututunan. Kaya lang, bata pa lang din ay natututo na rin sa paghalo ng wika.  Halimmbawa na lamang ang paggamit ng “Very good”para ikalugod ang mabuting nagawa ng isang musmos.  Madalas ding ginagamit ang salitang “good” at “bad” para ipaunawa sa bata ang isang mabuti o masamang bagay.  Mayroon itong mga katumbas na salita sa Tuwali, maphod para sa good at madmadi o naiho para sa bad, ngunit kadalasang pinapaboran ang paggamit ng good at bad sa pakikipag-usap sa isang musmos.  Dahil dito, sanggol pa lamang ay hindi na siya monolinggwal.  Siyempre ang pormal na pag-aaral ng Filipino at Ingles ay nagsisimula kapag pumasok na sa eskwelahan.

Sa salitang katutubo ko kinakausap ang aking mga anak.  Ito ang itinuturo ko sa kanila sapagkat sa bahay naman talga dapat matututunan ito.  Ang gusto ko ay matutunan nila ito kagaya ng pagkabihasa nila sa Ingles o Filipino sa eskwelahan.

Ang sinasabing wikang pangkalahatan sa Ifugao ay ang wikang Tuwali.  Mataas ang paggamit nito sa sentro ng Ifugao.  Ang mga Ayangan at Kalanguya ay natutunang gamitin ito.

Ang wikang pangrehiyon naman ay ang Iluko.  Matatandaan na ito’yt isang pangunahing wika sa ilang bahagi ng Ifugao.  Mapupuna rin na ang Ifugao ay kalapit ang mga lalawigan ng Nueva Vizcaya, Isabela, at Quirino na mataas ang paggamit sa Iluko.  Iluko rin ang wika sa Lungsod ng Baguio kung saan kadalasang nagkakasalubong ang iba’t ibang etnolingwistikong grupo sa Cordillera.  Dahil dito ay  mahalaga ang matuto sa Iluko upang mapadali ang pakikipag-unayan sa mga taga-ibang lugar sa mga aspetong akademiko, kalakal, ibang mahahalagang gawain at kahit sa pangkariniwang pakikipag-usap.  Sa kahalintulad na katwiran, mahalaga din ang Wkang Filipino dahil ito ang wika ng bansa, at ang Ingles dahil ito ang wika ng mundo.  Nasasabi ko man ito ay mainam pa rin para sa akin ang pagkabihasa sa katutubong wika katulad ng sa mga wikang banyaga sa lugar.  Sa paraang ito ay masisiguro ang tuloy-tuloy na pagkabuhay ng wikang katutubo.

The Ilocano language in highland Cordillera: Agge Nat-on?

           

     I start this essay with a few personal notes regarding my encounters with the Ilocano language in the hope of gliding into an analysis of it in the Cordillera environment. My first note is regarding my first utterance in the Ilocano language when I was a child.  It happened on my first visit to my father’s residence in Camp 6, Tuba, Benguet where he was working then for a mining company back in the eighties.  The neighbourhood was a mixture of people, both from the lowlands and around the Cordilleras lured by employment in the mines.  Children are conversing in a language I don’t understand and so I often choose not to play with them.  Back in the town where I came from, children who did not yet go to school converse then purely in the Ifugao language.  But days of hearing words alien to me and asking what some words mean from my parents gave me confidence to join the children at play.  The perfect moment came when from a distance, I saw some stone which was about to roll from an elevated place to the ground where children were playing.  From the top of my voice, I shouted “Lumisikayu ta mapulig nan batu!”  Everyone ran away from the crash when they looked at me pointing to the rolling stone.  There was a brief moment of silence then laughter, from the children and some adults present.  I realized it was not the near accident that they were laughing at but my mixture of the Ilocano and my native language.

                My second note is regarding how I became conversant in the Ilocano language. Undeniably, my regular vacation at my father’s workplace is the foundation of learning how to speak Ilocano.  And as I grew up, many other factors reinforced this knowledge.  Back in my hometown, people were listening to a radio station based in Cauayan, Isabela.  It helped that the station carries news from the Ifugao province especially that a field reporter is assigned to cover the area then. People are also attached to drama that the station offers.  The broadcast medium is mainly the Ilocano language.  I myself listen to drama such as Doming Mabalin Amin, Mang Bianong, Pagsarmingan, Dagiti Tugot iti Dana ti Biag, and many others.  Aside from the radio, I also came across the magazines Agriingkayo and Pagwanawanan which are the Ilocano versions of the Jehovah’s Witnesses’ Awake and Watchtower, respectively.  These magazines are regularly made available to our home by some ministers who came to evangelize.

                My third note is regarding a poem I composed in creative writing workshop that I tried to translate to Ilocano.  When I showed my translation to a friend who was not a native Ilocano speaker, he agreed with the rendition but when I showed it to a native Ilocano speaker, he enhanced it to be more poetic in the translation.  For instance, the first few lines of the poem goes, “Natong an balat, matabal/ Mu mangibati hi hobwal / Ta hiyantu boy umongngal / Hi obal onu nan habal.”  My translation: “Mabalinen ti saba, mapukan/ Ngem mangibati ti subwal/  Nga isuntu ti dumakkel/ Idiay abay ti balay wennu idiay bantay.”  The native speaker translated it as “Natangkenanen ti bungan ti saba, mapukanen/ Ngem mangibati ti subual/ Ta isuntu ti agdur-as/ Iti likod ti balay wenno idiay bangkag.”  From the two translations, difference is noticeable in terms of lexis and orthography.  And I thought that the translation of the native speaker approximates the thought that I am trying to impart in the Ifugao text better than my translation.

                These notes lead me to the thesis of this paper.  How does the Ilocano language influence Cordillera highlands languages?  To answer this, the paper will cover the origin of the language, the processes that lead to the development of the lowland language in the highland, and on the ability of this non-native language as carrier of highland indigenous culture.

                Ethnologue.com lists the Ilocano language as belonging to the Austronesian family of languages (Lewis, 2013).  The website, maintained by the Summer Institute of Linguistics, lists at least one hundred forty-six other families of language.  The family metaphor would imply that “the languages are genetically related in that they are developed out of the same mother tongue…”(Reid, 2009) The determination of the family of a language follows the theory of prototyping whereby the grouping has reference to typical instances such as experiences (Schultz and Lavenda, 2001) “rather than by reference to set of features” (Wardhaugh, 2010).  Wardhaugh further expounds, quoting Hudson (1996), that prototyping “leads to an easier account of how people learn to use language, particularly linguistic concepts, from the kinds of circumstances they came across.”

                From the Austronesian prototype to the Ilocano language, the following lineage is traced: Austronesian, Malayo-Polynesian, Philippine, Northern Luzon, Ilocano (Lewis, 2013).  This is supported by archaeological evidence proving movement of Austronesian-speaking people from Taiwan going south to the Philippines (Reid, 2009).  From the Northern Luzon prototypes branches other prototypes apart from Ilocano, the Northern Cordilleran from which the languages of Cagayan Valley and Northeast Luzon languages take root and the Meso-Cordilleran from where most of the highland Cordilleran languages such as theIfugao, Bontoc, Kan-kanaey, and Kalanguya emanate (Lewis, 2013; Reid, 2009).

                Scott (1975) noted two theories on how the highlands of North Luzon, which now comprises most of what is called the Cordillera Region, was peopled.  One is by Dr. H. Otley Beyer who proposed that the people are part of migration from mainland Asia that happened 25,000 to 30,000 years ago (the first publication of his work that contained this insinuation was in 1918).  The other is by Dr. Felix Keesing who proposed that the people in the inland mountainous part of North Luzon are from the coastal areas of Spanish-conquered Ilocos who ran away to the mountains “to avoid paying taxes.” Both suggestions does not dispute that the Ilocano and Cordillera highland languages are relatives following the family metaphor.

                The theories put in perspective the contention that the “homeland” of Ilocano is the North-West Luzon provinces of Ilocos Sur, IlocosNorte, and Abra and La Union (Rubino, 1998).Except for Abra, these provinces comprise what is now known as the Ilocos Region or Region I which includes the province of Pangasinan.

                So far, we have noted that the Ilocano language has been from a process of language change.  And as the saying goes that the only permanent thing is change, the Ilocano language has continued to metamorphose.  It has been diffused by migration of speakers (Rubino, 1998) to other lowland provinces south like Pangasinan, Tarlac, Nueva Ecija, and even eastward to  Nueva Vizcaya, Isabela, Aurora, Quirino and even as far as Cagayan.

                It has also climbed, as a manner of speaking, to the highland region of the Cordillera.  Rubino (1998) likewise noted migration of Ilocanos to the province of Benguet.  While this supposed migration was undated, Scott (1975) dates the contact between Ilocanos and people in the highlands during the Spanish Period in the Philippines.  And it is because of economic reasons and the spread of the Catholic faith which the Spanish brought and Ilocanos embraced.

                Scott (1975) noted that the people in the highlands “had plenty of commercial contacts in the Ilocos, Pangasinan, and Nueva Vizcaya.”  He cited a record by a Dominican priest in 1593 describing highland people trading their gold in Pangasinan for pigs and carabaos.  It substantiates the account that for the highland people, “the gold near Baguio” was their most valuable export.  In the addition, Scott also mentions that on the eastern side, the Ifugao traded their rice and iron tools moulded from vats and pots earlier traded by lowland people.  On the part of the Ilocanos, they also weaved g-strings and supplied carnelian beads for the people of the highlands which turned out to be status objects for the latter.

                Also, Scott (1975) wrote about Spanish accounts regarding Christianization of the Cordilleras, the earliest being an expedition by the Spanish forces joined by Zambals, Pampangos, and Ilocanos to the Cordilleras were they were able to settle base in Kayan which is now part of the Mountain Province.  The Christianization, however, might have been just a secondary goal.  Scott wrote that Spanish priests were looking for gold.  Soon, they were driven out of Kayan, tucking with them the converts from the highlands to the Ilocos region.  This account is among the early failed accounts to convert a region that has developed own system of faith, but as we today, the Cordillera highlands has also embraced Christianity.

Aside from economic and spiritual reasons, there were political developments that had have great impact on contact of the Ilocano people with the highlands.  Still from Scott (1975), one was the creation of the old Mt. Province by Philippine Commission Act 1876 in 1912 but some “gerrymandering” in the 1920’s gave large part of the former Amburayan and Lepanto districts to La Union and Ilocos Sur. This again had an impact on migration from the highlands to the lowlands, but he migrants had maintained their contacts with their relatives.  Republic Act 4695 in 1966 divided the old Mt. Province into four provinces but even as they are born from a single province, transportation to and from each newly created provinces pass through Ilocano provinces.  For example, travel from Kalinga passes through Isabela, Nueva Vizcaya, Nueva Ecija, Pangasinan, La Union before reaching Baguio City.  This situation remained true even after making provinces created from the old Mt. Province into a separate administrative region in 1987.   Another is the Presidential Decree No. 1 in 1972 establishing the political regions in the Philippines.  Benguet, Abra, and Mt. Province were then part of the Ilocos Region or Region I while Ifugao and the then Kalinga-Apayao were part of the Cagayan Valley Region.  This set-up called for intensified contact of highland citizens with Ilocano speaking lowlanders especially that regional offices of key government offices are located in Ilocano-speaking areas and that the Ilocano population is greater in number than the non-Ilocano counterparts.

Baguio City in the nucleus of Benguet has also developed into becoming an education centre of the North especially with the opening of Saint Louis University in 1912 followed through by other schools that later developed into big educational centers enrolling a large number of students.  Notable of which are the University of Baguio, University of the Cordilleras, Baguio Central University, the University of the Philippines, and Pines City Colleges.  In Baguio-Benguet alone, there are at least thirty higher education institutions (www.ched.com.ph).  The cool climate of the area is naturally attractive to students including most from the Ilocano-speaking lowlands.

These developments again put in picture the reason why Ilocano is claimed as an important language in Northern Luzon (Rubino, 1998). He further describes the Ilocano language as the “National Language of the North.”  He argued that ethnic groups in North Luzonare “more at home” with Ilocano as a second language than Tagalog or Pilipino.  For him, Ilocano is a “regional dialect” of Northern Luzon.

                Ethnologue.com lists Ilocano as “wider communication language.”  This indicates the vibrancy of the language.  The interesting point is that the website noted a “pidginized version in the northern highlands.”  This claim indicates that there is a difference in the Ilocano spoken in the lowlands from that spoken in the Cordillera highlands.(Lewis, 2013).

                Sabado (2006), from her interview with noted Cordilleran linguist Dr. M. Pungayan, listed differences on what she termed Montanosa Ilocano, alluding to the popular alternate name for the old Mt. Province that comprise highland Cordillera, from the lowland Ilocano.  She mentioned eight.  One, Montanosa Ilocano is peppered by ethnic expressions such as “angsan”, “mango”, “ngudin”, “adi”, and “mampay.”  Two, some words in the native language are Ilocanized, e.g., “ukmon” instead of “tilmon” for “swallow.”  Three, it borrows from Tagalog and English.  Four, the accent follows the native tongue.  Five, syllables are often repeated by the Montanosa speaker to emphasize degree, e.g. “makaturturog” even if “makaturog” is enough.  Six, there is difference in pronunciation.  Seventh, the Montanosaspeaker interchanges the use of “ti” or “iti”.  Eight, the Montanosa speaker uses less flowery words than the Ilocano native speaker.

                Sabado’s study also came up with some interesting points about the Montanosa Ilocano.  She found out that it is a language spoken at home by most of her study’s respondent in the capital town of Benguet.  Her respondent’s also say that each is actually their language preference for print news however, no local newspaper has adopted it yet as a medium.  On the other hand, publishers give poor acceptability, internal market, and some problems with Ilocano grammar as among the reasons why Ilocano was not considered as a medium for print news in this highland region (Sabado, 2006).  Nevertheless, the results of the study tell much about the potentials of the Montanosa Ilocano in the highland Cordillera.

How did the Ilocano language originate and developed in the highlands?

                The literature described earlier clearly points out that the Ilocano in the highlands originated from changes that happened to the Ilocano language.  Intermigration between highlanders and lowlanders diffused the lowland language to the highlands.  Constant contacts brought about by economic, religious, political, and educational endeavours also played significant roles in the acquisition of the lowland language into the highlands.

                At present, it can be said that the Cordillera Region is in a multi-lingual state with English and Filipino being acquired by speakers from formal schooling and Ilocano being acquired thru informal channels.  Ilocano print materials such as the Bibliya (Bible), Bannawag magazine and the sectarian Agriingkayo and Pagwanawanan magazines of the Jehova’s Witnesses are available to the public.  More prominent are radio stations that uses Ilocano in their broadcasts.  There are several in Baguio City including BomboRadyo DZWXand Mountain Province Broadcasting Corporation’s (MPBC) DZWT which covers the city and the nearby highland provinces of Benguet and parts of Mountain Province.  BomboRadyo DZNC in CauayanIsabela continues to reach Ifugao and Kalinga while highland parts of Abra and Apayao are reached by Ilocano stations in Region I.  Curiously though, local TV stations in Baguio City use Tagalog rather than Ilocano confirming a stable multi-lingual state.  Native speakers of highland languages, and migrants to the city who are non-Ilocano speakers still maintain their mother tongue thus the use of a common language on TV serves their interest.  The internet carries Ilocano websites including bomboradyo.com which runs Ilocano news from its radio stations including those that covers highland Cordillera.

                Movements of people are evidenced by Cordillera surnames that sound non-native to the region.  The following table gives a list of these surnames as culled from selected list of candidates in the recent local elections last May 2013.

Table 1.  List of Non-Native Cordilleran Surnames of Politicians that participated in Local Elections in the Cordillera Highlands, May 13, 2013

Place	Surname
Abra (Highland area of Tineg and Malibcong)	Coloma     Quezada     Valencia   Buenavista      Viernes
Apayao (Conner and Kabugao)	Soriano     Pascua     Mallillin   Romero
Benguet	Soriano    Vicente    Wilson Sabado        Selencio
Ifugao	Lumauig   Domingo    Gallego    Labador     Mariano
Kalinga	Penera      Ancheta     Vicente
Mt. Province	Rafael       de Guzman     Solano    Carlos

                Most of the surnames mentioned in the table are common Ilocano surnames.  It adds to evidence that there is an active influence of the Ilocanos in the highlands.  This is probably due to movement of people including immigration and intermarriages.  Coupled with geographical proximity and necessary economic activities, the active forces of migration and intermarriages ensures the continued evolution of the Ilocano language in the highlands.

Is the highland Ilocano different from the lowland Ilocano?

                Right now, there are lexical similarities between the highland languages and the Ilocano language.  Table 2 shows some of the words.

Table 2.  Example of Terms that are Similar in the Highland and Ilokano language

Highland Language	Ilocano	English Equivalent
babuy	baboy	pig
balituk	balitok	gold
gombang	gambang	bronze
nuwang	nuwang	carabao
simbaan	simbaan	church
padi	padi	priest
madre	madre	Sister/nun
Bibliya	Bibliya	Bible
pastor	pastor	minister
asin	asin	salt
asukar/ahhukal	asukar	sugar

                The table shows that because of the contacts like trade and common endeavours like religion, the highland and lowland language have some words that are the same.  Note that pigs, carabaos, and gold were traded in the oldest recorded periods.  The Christian religion has been something common both in the lowlands and in the highlands thus the similarity in words.

                There are however terms that the highland speaker may likely use over the synonym that the native speaker likely would use.  The examples are shown in Table 3.

Table 3.  Example of differences in word to use between a the highland speaker and a native speaker

Term a highland speaker would likely use	Term the native speaker would likely use	Meaning
Ag-progreso	Agdur-as	To progress
bumisita	sumarungkar	To visit
agkamali	agbiddut	To make mistake
abaken	atiwen	To defeat
nadadael	napirdi	destroyed
newspaper	pagiwarnak	newspaper

                The table illustrates the tendency of the non-native speaker to use “narabaw nga Ilocano” a term introduced by Rubino (1998).  It would be characterized by those mentioned by Sabado (2006) such as borrowing from another language, ilocanizing local words, and use of less elaborate words.

                Thus the question on difference boils down to whether the Ilocano language would be able to sustain a distinctive identity which is one of the functions of language (Dyer, 2007 in Llamas, Mullany and Stockwell) in the highlands.  In an article by noted local columnist Dacawi (2013) on Ifugao humor, he said, “Anecdotes with local color are also best when told in the local dialect and its diction. Something is always lost in the translation, given the nuances of language.”  However, “there is no necessary relationship between territory, ethnic/cultural identity and language (Gal, 2007 in Llamas et.al).  Thus, Dacawi (2013) in rendering the some of what he calls Ifugao humor said that perhaps translating the Ifugao dialogues in Ilocano “would help readers get the drift.”  In other words, highland ethnolinguistic groups can still own another language, say Ilocano, through which it can glide its culture.  Caution would however have to be taken in what ethnologue.com refer to as language endangerment which we don’t like to happen to highland languages.

Conclusions

                The paper has explored into the origins and development of Ilocano in the highlands, the differences that it has with the aboriginal Ilocano, and its implications to culture and identity.  The paper foregrounds the discussion with the verity that the Ilocano is a “relative” to the highland languages.   It has been noted too that in many instances, Ilocano proved to be a dominant language when compared to our native highland languages.  Today, we see the prevalence of endeavours that non-Ilocano speaking people in the highland and the Ilocano speaking of the lowlands unite including education, religion, politics, and especially economic activities.  And it is certain that as with the native Ilocano speakers, the highland speakers can live through in these endeavours in the Ilocano language.  In other words, the highland can still attain cultural identity even if it uses the more prevalent Ilocano language.  Nan Ilocano ya agge nat-on (The Ilocano is not different), we would say.

                Caution however should be taken in order not allow death of highland languages.  Ethnologue.com says that endangerment is a serious concern.  It cites two reasons: 1) to avoid social and cultural disruptions and 2) more broadly to preserve the heritage of human society.  It is recommended therefore that stable multilingualism should always be maintained.  The highlands owe a lot to Ilocano for its communications but the highland speakers owe a lot to the Nabaloi, the Kankanaey, the Bontok, the Ifugao languages and other Cordillera languages the obligation to preserve them.

REFERENCES

Commission on Higher Education (2010).Mapping of higher education institutions by region, province and type (AY 2009/10) Retrieved from http://www.ched.gov.ph/

.

Commission on Elections.(2013)  Ballot templates for the 2013 national and local rlections.Retrieved from http://www.comelec.gov.ph/?r=Elections/2013natloc/2013natloc.

Dacawi, R. (2013, August 3) Ifugao Humor.  Baguio Sunstar Daily. Retrieved from www.sunstar.com.ph.

Llamas, C., Mullany, L. and Stockwell, P. (Eds.). (2007).  The Routledge Companion to Sociolinguistics.  New York: Routledge

Lewis, M., Simons, G. and Fennig, C. (eds.). 2013. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Seventeenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com.

Reid, L. (2009, March).  Who are the indigenous: origins and transformations. Cordillera review, Journal of Philippine Culture and Society 1 (1), 3 – 25.

Rubino, C. (1998). Ilocano phrasebook and dictionary. New York: Hippocrene Books.

Sabado, J. (2006). Potentials of Montanosa Ilocano as a language for print news for the different ethnolinguistic groups of La Trinidad.Unpublished undergraduate thesis.Benguet State University, La Trinidad, Benguet, Philippines.

Schultz, E. and Lavenda, R. (2001).  Cultural anthropology: a perspective on the human condition. (5^thed.) California: Mayfield.

Scott, W. (1975). History on the Cordillera: collected writings on Mountain Province history. Baguio City, Philippines: Baguio Printing and Publishing.

Wardhaugh, R. (2010). An introduction to sociolinguistics. (6th ed.) West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell.